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questions :Critically analyze the World System Theory in International Relations
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[Visitor (183.193.*.*)]answers [Chinese ]Time :2021-12-30
 Since the 1990s, postmodernist theories that originated from within the West have begun to enter the field of international relations theory, and postmodernism has tried to break the old unity, unity, and universality, and restore the status of human ethics, thought, identity, and ethics. The most representative of postmodern international relations theories include constructivist and feminist theories.
  Smith (1997) concludes that the contribution of postmodern theory to the theory of national relations has the following four points: first, postmodern theorists have many discussions about identity relative to traditional positivists; second, postmodern theory links international relations theory with other social science theories by questioning the fundamental assumptions of epistemology and methodology, which are the basic ways in which traditional empirical research creates knowledge, that is, epistemology and methodology; and third, postmodern theory researchers of national relations theory realize that traditional theories are not "neutral" explanatory theories Instead, it actually excludes many important dimensions, such as race, ethics, gender, etc.Postmodern researchers do not simply associate these dimensions with international relations, such as "ethics and international relations", but recognize and discuss the situation of these topics in international relations, that is, "ethics in international relations"; fourth, postmodernists recognize the relationship between power and knowledge in international relations theory, and explore the power and interests behind the existing so-called mainstream international relations theory...
1. Constructivism
  Constructivist theories represented by Hoffman, Cox, Winter, and others argue that the reality of international relations is a social construct that depends on people's beliefs and behavioral choices, not just human reason. Therefore, the norms and culture that people agree with are very important. Post-structuralist scholars such as Epstein (2013) therefore emphasize the role of language, arguing that language, as a medium of social construction, plays an important role in shaping the cognition of "universality". Therefore, she pointed out that the development of international relations theory research should return to language and explore how universal concepts in international relations are formed.[3] Based on the emphasis on culture and identity, constructivism points out that western theories of national relations reflect only the ideology chosen by the West and serve the interests of the West, rather than a universal truth. Therefore, the development of pluralistic methodologies and epistemology in international relations theory is possible and should be...
  However, criticism of constructivism is also rich, such as Millsheimer's point of view, the lack of explanation of how and why discourse changes, and the lack of foresight of the rise and fall of discourse. [5]

2. Feminism

Gender in the context of feminist international relations theory refers not to biological sex, but to the complex social construction of male and female identities. Since the end of the 20th century, feminist international relations theory has penetrated into the discipline of international relations from many levels. The feminist perspective of national relations attempts to uncover the gender dimension of national relations theory, and the most critical of which is the concept of power between genders.
  The existing literature on feminist theories of national relations is as follows.

The first is to discuss the inherent gender bias in the foundations of the national customs theory. Feminist scholars believe that the theoretical basis of guoguan is defined by the male perspective, centering on the discourse of the binary opposition between men and women, constructing women as "others". [7] In response to these questions, the feminist inquiry of guoguan theory touches on three areas: the gender consequences of international relations practice, women actors in the international arena, and a wide range of gender-related sections on diplomatic issues, such as immigration, the international division of labor, women's development, and women's rights as human rights.
  Secondly, the discussion of inherent gender stereotypes provides a framework for the maintenance and functioning of the existing international system. For example, Enloe's research focuses on how women fundamentally shape the international relations system, and the so-called official international relations behavior, including war and diplomacy, relies on the support of existing gender patterns.

The third is to discuss international feminism around non-state actors. As Sylvester points out, the feminist perspective of national relations theory has different understandings of cooperation and mutual benefit. Feminist international relations are more of an interpersonal than an inter-state relationship, and cross-national international feminism or women's organizations is a manifestation, which is very different from the realist understanding of international relations.
  The study of gender and international political economy is also closely related to the development of feminist international relations theory. The study focuses on the role of women in development and explores how the state as a re-producer of male power and gender hierarchies hinders gender equality. In the Third World, such research is particularly easy to develop, because international relations in the Third World are primarily about economic issues, such as trade, development assistance, poverty, etc., which need to be supplemented by feminist theory.
  Although feminist international relations theory has made a strong contribution from reflecting on the mainstream path of national customs theory, to advocating alternative national customs concepts and perspectives, and then to placing women in the discourse system of national relations, its influence on actual policies is still not optimistic.
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